Tags / Kidnapping
Footage shows the French embassy in Sanaa after its closure due to the security meltdown which that has gripped the nation.
Footage also shows the 45th street in Sanaa where Frenchwomen Isabelle Prime was abducted on the morning of February 24.
Footage includes interviews with two Yemenis who were working on the same road where the the French women and her translator.
A store owner on the 45th street says the French women was abducted only moments after he opened his store early in the morning.
Mershid Merhibi (construction worker)
"We were working in this location and we then heard some of the workers who were over here having breakfast talking about a French women who was abducted in this street. This actions is not acceptable and is prohibited in Islam, because all foreigners in Islam have full rights and freedoms. This is what our prophet taught us."
Majid al-Khyadh (Store owner on 45th street)
“As we were opening in the morning we heard that a French women had been abducted in this area and we also heard many people talking about this issue. We tell those who kidnapped this French women that these actions are against our principles and against the values of the Yemeni people. These actions are indeed acts of terrorism. We do not know who is responsible for the abduction; however, our message to the abductors is stop insulting and tarnishing the image of the Yemeni people. “We call on the government, and all security officials and institutions to bring an end to these abductions and violations.”
February 26, 2015
Christian-Assyrian refugees seek refuge in the Kurdish controlled city of Qamishli after fleeing ISIS advances on their villages of Tal Tamer, Tal Harmoza, Tal al-Jazeera, Tal Kouran and Abu Tina in the Hasakeh province. ISIS militants recently kidnapped 220 Assyrians in Hasakeh province setting a dangerous precedent for christians in the area and spurring entire villages to abandon their homes and flee ISIS advances.
SHOTLIST AND SOUNDBITES
Wide/ external of the Syriac Cultural Association in Syria
Wide of men holding diaper packs destined for displaced families
Wide of diaper packs and other supplies
Wide of supplies in pickup trucks
SOUNDBITE (Arabic, Man) Michael Kourieh, Member of the Syriac Cross
00:23 – 01:30
The Syriac Cross for Relief and Development. Our work currently revolves on to help our Assyrian brothers who fled the Khabour and Tal Tamer areas. They are living in several Assyrian churches. Our aim is to help the Assyrian so that they would feel at home. As you see from these supplies, we work all day long so they would not feel like strangers.
More importantly, from the information that we gathered, we learned that the displaced came from the Khabour area in the hundreds.
We feel sad about that, but we are trying our best to help them and offer them aid.
Various associations in Qamishli are involved in this work, such as the United Nations and Mother Syria Association. Everyone is making an effort [UNINTELLIGIBLE]. We are all coordinating our work and we hope that everyone is pleased with our work. God willing, we shall remain a unified people. “
Wide of Syriac Cross members unloading aid supplies
Wide/ external Syriac Cultural Association in Syria
Wide of aid supplies
SOUNDBITE (Arabic, Woman) Elizabeth Jouqa, A displaced from Tal Tamer area
01:50 – 03:30
We fled the moment we first heard that ISIS kidnapped women, young men and children. We ran away before ISIS arrived to avoid being captured.
Interviewer: Did many people flee?
Many! There is about 600 [displaced] families here in Qamishli. May God safeguard you.
My relatives were abducted. We do not where they are. Amy God protect them from [ISIS]. May God break their arms.
Interviewer: When did the attack take place?
It was in the morning. We heard about in the morning. We called our relatives In Tal Shmeiran who told us that [ISIS] invaded their village. They said that [ISIS] had taken the men two days earlier to an unknown location and that they were like sheep to the church and did not know what was going to happen to them.
Our men, fighters from the Sotoro organisation and the Kurds, may God protect them, defended the people, but what could they do? The others [ISIS] are many. There were probably 600 of them.
Interviewer: who do you demand help from? The international community? The autonomous administration here? Regional countries?
What can I say?
Interviewer: Do you want aid form the United Nations? Who do you want aid from?
We are grateful for anyone who wants to help us. I do not know who should help us.
Wide of Syriac Cross members unloading aid supplies
Wide of street
Traveling of street
SOUNDBITE (Arabic, Woman) Julia Butros, A displaced from Tal Tawil village
03:49 – 05:27
It was in at five in the evening. They [the rescuers] took children and their father. It was at five o’clock. People fled using a mobile diesel tank. They removed the tank from the vehicle and put people in its place and took to Hasaka, and from Hasaka they were brought here to Qamishli. People arrived here at midnight. The trip started at five and took all night long.
We do not anyone who was kidnapped. It is said that people were kidnapped in other villages. We cannot say anything other than that we have seen did not see.
Interviewer: Did ISIS blow churches?
They did in another village but not in Tal Tawil. They blew up churches in another village. . In other villages there people whose whereabouts are not known.
Interviewer: How many people fled to Hasaka and Qamishli?
I do not know. May be around 300 or 400 people. Around 100 people fled from our village, Tal Tawil.
Interviewer: who do you demand help from? The international community? The United Nations?
May God reward them, whether they offered aid or not. May God reward you and anyone who helps these troubled people.
Interviewer: Is ISIS present in your village?
[ISIS] is present in other villages. This man’s wife does know anything about her family. Interviewer: Did the Kurdish fighters and the Syriac Council liberate these villages?
They are trying to help, I am not saying that they are not, but what can they do?
Wide of Syriac Cross members unloading aid supplies
Various of Christian icons hung on a wall
Close-up of sign hung on an aid vehicle reads: “An initiative of love and solidarity towards from Tal Tamer and Khabour.”
Close-up of sign on aid vehicle “Syriac Cross Organization for Relief & Development”
Medium of sign on aid vehicle “Syriac Cross Organization for Relief & Development”
February 22, 2015
Swedish journalist Joakim Medin talks about his four-day detention in a Syrian government prison in the vicinity of Qamishli, a town in Kurdish Syria he was covering as a freelancer. Arrested at a government checkpoint when he failed to produce a visa, he explains that very few journalists travel to Syria with the necessary legal documentation. Despite the relatively harsh conditions of his confinement - his cell was cold, dark and dirty - Medin says he was treated much better than other prisoners. He finishes by stressing the broader context of the battle of ideas - in addition to the brutal physical struggle - that is still being waged for the future Syria and Iraq - the right of people to live and work their land; the right of religious minorities to practice their faith. This is why journalists must continue to cover these areas in person, even if at times that means doing so without a visa.
TRANSCRIPT AND SHOTLIST
SOUNDBITE (English, Man) Joakim Medin, Swedish Reporter Detained by Syrian Government Forces
“We were walking down the street down in central Qamishli, on the 15th of February. On this day a lot of people stay away from, from their jobs and closed down their shops and so on, because it was a special memorial day, because of the arrest of Abdullah Ocalan on the same day in 1999. There was not so much people and movement, but this same day soldiers of the Syrian government also, for some reason put up a temporary roadblock or checkpoint just outside the government post office of Qamishli. They were stopping cars and checking people. When we passed this checkpoint on the sidewalk, they immediately arrested us and… and in a prisoners’ car and drove us to the local police station nearby. They accused me of not having a visa, a Syrian visa despite being there. “They put us in prison and I was told that they had to investigate this thing out. I explained that yes, this is correct I did not have a visa because this is the way journalists get into this area; an area of Syria that’s been heavily transformed and affected by the war with Daesh [ISIS] erasing the borders. So of course I didn’t have a visa unfortunately. I was told that in a matter of hours – one hour, five hours, ten hours – this matter would be resolved. “You have to stay in prison for this period of time.” However, these hours turned into days.
“I was treated much differently and better than the other inmates – the other prisoners – they accused the others of being sympathisers with Daesh. They were treated well at all. The situation with them was really bad. But I was locked in a tiny isolation cell. I was isolated from the other prisoners. There was no light, no access to fresh water. It was dirty and I had to sleep on the concrete floor. It was difficult. It was very different from the conditions of prisons in my country. Still, I was better treated. I was not seen as the other prisoners. I could go… I had access to the toilet. After four days, things suddenly changed. They drove an ambulance to the front of the building and we had to get in…”
Interviewer: “Why did they use an ambulance and not a normal car?”
“To get to the airport and not to be seen… I don’t know. We were handcuffed and blindfolded and they drove to the airport where we took a plane to Damascus under other identities. We did not fly under our real name but under false names. I was a 25-year-old man from Spain. Then we came to Damascus and I was imprisoned in the center of one the branches of Syrian intelligence.”
Interviewer: “And what about the situation in Damascus?”
“In Damascus the situation was sometimes similar. For example, there were also very small cells. [I was] locked in isolation. I wasn’t able to speak to anyone. I had access to nothing, no possessions.” Interviewer: “Did you see any ambassador as they promised you?”
“No, there was no ambassador. When I asked there was no response, really.” Interviewer: “What was the kind of questions?”
“Soon the interrogation…. It was about the cells… We were blindfolded and taken to different rooms where there people asking questions or reading information from a laptop for example. The questions were about why I came. The questions were targeting mainly why I came to Syria without a visa, and I explained to them that this was the only way I thought [I could] this area to be able to report. There were three subjects that I was here to report about: the situation of women, the situation of Christians, and the Kurds and the Yezidis fighting Daseh six months after the massacre in Shingal. “But soon these questions turned into more focus on whether I had some sort of assistance from Turkey and Israel to enter Syria. I explained that this was not the case. I was helped by these foreign countries.” Interviewer: “Have you been threatened in prison, that they will kill you?”
“No, but I felt unconformable. The days kept going and there was no information about… if my embassy was contacted, or if I can contact my family. They specifically said: “No, you cannot contact your family.”
Interviewer: And then what happened?
“Well, until yesterday at lunchtime, still… at least I thought it was very uncertain about what will happen. Still, there was no information. Still, a lot of questions, especially about Israel. Still kept in cells… and suddenly in the afternoon something happened. We were again told that we will fly away from Damascus using, again, false identities. We had to repeat these names over and over. We were told that will go back to Qamishli to be imprisoned there. That afternoon we were blindfolded again and driven in some sort of van with black windows to the airport, where we took a [civilian] plane again and came back to Qamishli. “First we were taken to the same regime prison in Qamishli, and the treatment somehow changed. They were acting different, more hospitable in a way. It was obvious that something had happened. They were very nice and polite. Interviewer: “In your opinion, what happened?”
“Well, we found out a bit later when we were taken to different offices to meet with a lot of people [whose] names we didn’t get, really. I don’t remember them. Suddenly we came to an office where the flag on the wall changed from the Syrian one [to that] of the YPG. That’s when at least I suddenly realized, “Ah! Suddenly we’re safe.” Just like this. Up until the last minute, I had no idea what was going to happen at all. I had no assurance at all about what was happening. “So we were told… we met with Redor Khalil, the spokesperson of the YPG, who told us that the Kurdish forces and the Kurdish administration in the region have been deploying forces and putting pressure on the Syrian government basically from the very beginning to let us go, and when this diplomacy – if you can call it [as such] – failed because of continued misinformation, I guess, then one or several high-ranking officers in the Syrian army – Syrian government army – were arrested by the YPG. Then there was a question of exchanging prisoners. And also, there was the threat of how the YPG would eventually intervene against the government-controlled airport outside Qamishli and basically stop all traffic unless we got released. This pressure eventually… well we got taken back from Damascus to Qamishli, which is not a normal process to happen this fast. And we got released.
“I and many others still think that this is something… what’s happening here with the… the social situation changes in Syria… the fight against Daesh, the fight to make people stay on their own land, in their own homes, the fight for minorities to stay in their own homes and not be ethnically cleansed by Daesh, the fight for many ideas and things and the war on that… I mean if we want anyone in the world to know about this, any people, we must be able to go. Sometimes it means that you come without a visa, unfortunately. “This is one of the few areas in Syria where we see social mobilization to protect the society in… in… it could stay the way it is not to make it collapse, but at the same time transform it into something better in the meantime. So I think if we want to see the region to be safe to report from and inside, and also see maybe an example of what Syria can like with stability, then this is one of these regions. I think it’s very important to keep coming here to report for the sake of all of Syria.”
Various of Joachim Medin with Sabri Omar, the interpreter who was arrested with him
Various of Joachim Medin indoors
Mary Manaseh, the mother of one of the girls kidnapped by Boko Haram pleads for the safe return of her daughter, days before the Nigerian government told the press that a ceasefire agreement had been made with the militant group, including the release of over two hundred schoolgirls kidnapped in the village of Chibok on May 14. Boko Haram remains silent on the deal, but many of the parents remain hopeful despite the fear of losing their loved ones.
April 5, 2014
Ras al Ain, Syria
Younan Constantine Younan, a Syrian-christian from Ras al Ayn, was kidnapped by Jabhat al-Nusra and released for a 100 000USD ransom after 40 days of torture. Younan's experience illustrates the marriage of ideology and business when it comes to kidnapping by radical Islamic militias in Syria. While the ultimate goal of the kidnapping was to extort money and not to punish Younan for being christian, Younan believes that the fact that he is christian allowed the kidnappers to feel the kidnapping was ideologically acceptable and not against Islam.
Shot List and Translation:
Shots of the city of Ras al Ain.
Shots of the Syriac Church in the town, located next to Younan's house.
Shots of Younan inside the Church.
"I was kidnapped by the Gouiran battalion/ al Hasakah, I was tricked. My uncle owns a factory in western Ras al Ayn, just before Tell Halaf. We produce materials for building and construction. It was there that the battalion decided to settle in. We kept on asking them when would be leaving and they always replied "tomorrow, tomorrow, we will go and liberate al Hasakah". They were all citizens of al-Hasakah. One of the battalion's members was called Mohammad Aadouch. One day, they took all our trucks, stating that the trucks belong now to Jabhat al Nusra. We went to ask Jabhat al Nusra for our trucks, they replied the trucks aren't yours anymore. We kept on trying with the battalion and Jabhat al Nusra for 4 to 5 days to get our trucks back until the battalion's commander, called Tamim, said, 'I have the trucks and I will give them back to you after 2-3 days.' There was fighting in the area so we stayed home all day, and we went to meet with them every day around noon.
One day, he told us to go with him so he can show us where the trucks are, in a town called Al-Aziziyah. I went with my cousin. Right before arriving to Al-Aziziyah, we were ambushed by 6 fighters, some of them were in their cars, asking for our IDs. Once we gave them our IDs, they told us that we were "the wanted persons". The reason they said this was that my cousin had a farm that is worth a lot and, being Christian, his money was Halal. They pointed their AK-47 at us, handcuffed us, put us in the back of the vehicles and drove us to Ras al Ain, Allah only knows where to.
Once there, they told us our case was simple, a week maximum and we'll be free. On the tenth day, they called our parents, and asked them for 100,000 USD for each. We didn't have any contact with the kidnappers; they put us in a room, handcuffed and kept our eyes uncovered. They would only cover our eyes when the guards come in to give us food. On the fortieth day, they covered our eyes and they started to beat us with their hands, belts and riffles. We could tell that they were the same persons on the Gouiran Battalion because of their voices and their accents. While they were torturing us, our parents were on the phone, and they kept on asking them for money. After 4 hours of being tortured, they took us to a school they turned into a prison. We remained there until the fiftieth day, when they covered our heads and removed our handcuffs, and dropped us in a city called Suluk, in the countryside of Ar-Raqqah. We took a car to Ras al Ayn, where they took the money, the amount of 3,500,000 Syrian Pounds.
My uncle was dead when we came back, he never knew his son and nephew were kidnapped. The day after we went to check on the factory, we found out they stole everything; tools, metals, they left nothing. After few days, we discovered that all our personal papers and IDs were with Jabhat al Nusra. We realized that they were in coordination with the battalion that kidnapped us, when they told our parents before that they are working as an intermediary to set us free.
It was then when we realized that they were all the same."
Boko Haram released a video on Monday May 12, 2014 claiming to show the kidnapped Nigerian schoolgirls.
The leader of militant Islamic group, Abubakar Shekau, says the teenage girls have converted to Islam and will not be released until all Boko Haram members who are prisoners are freed.
The Jordanian Foreign Ministry has confirmed that Jordan's ambassador in Libya was kidnapped on Tuesday morning in Tripoli.
Embassy sources said masked men wearing civilian clothes, driving a BMW and a pick up truck surrounded the ambassador's car and opened fire. They forced him into the car and drove off quickly. The ambassador's driver was shot in the leg and one of the guards was shot in the arm.
Royal Jordanian Airlines has canceled its Tuesday flight to Tripoli.
He almost ran after her. He followed her through the alleys of East Delhi, stopping as she stopped, angling to catch a glimpse of her face. “Maybe it is my lost daughter,” Azhar Mohammad recalls thinking when he saw the teenage girl, her hair braided and two red ribbons tied.
“There is no closure,” he says wiping tears. His daughter has been missing for five years. He remembers every detail of that day when she did not come home from school. The family searched every corner of the government school, hoping she was locked in a toilet. They met all her friends and asked a thousand questions, he says. Mohammad’s oldest son selected the best photograph of Gudiya from their battered family album and made 125 copies.
“The police said she ran away. But where will an 11 year old, cheerful girl go?” he asks, He says his hair grayed in a week, the fateful week when the family spent all their savings to look for Gudiya. No news came that night. Nor later. Even after five years, Mohammad still believes his daughter will come home someday. “Till then all I pray is wherever she is, she should be happy and well taken care of.”
Mohammad is not alone. In India eleven children go missing every hour and seven are never found.
Often children rescued in one state could be missing in another. But there is no centralized database to connect them.
Video about : One of the children of "Anas Al liby" demanding the release of a kidnapped his father by the American forces.
Egyptian security forces continue to block the Rafah Crossing border, which leads to the Gaza Strip, for the fourth day in protest at the recent incident of kidnap.
Seven Egyptian soldiers were kidnapped in the Sinai Peninsula on Thursday, including a member of the armed forces, four port security officers and two state security officers.
The Egyptian police angered by the kidnapping of seven of their colleagues stressed that they won’t open the crossing until the kidnapped soldiers are freed. Security forces at El-Ouga crossing, bordering Israel, began a strike also on Sunday.
The scope of the protests expanded in northern Sinai on Monday after Central Security Forces conscripts at five police stations have gone on strike to demand the release of the Egyptian soldiers kidnapped in the region.
North Sinai Traffic Department workers join the strike against the kidnap.
Egypt's army sent dozens of armored vehicles and personnel carriers across the Suez Canal into North Sinai early on Monday.
Major-General Ahmed Wasfy, commander of Egypt's Second Army (a regional sub-division of the country's armed forces) later arrived in Al-Arish city in northern Sinai with a delegation of military leaders.
The move comes as speculation grows that force could be used to rescue seven Egyptian soldiers kidnapped last week.
President Mohamed Morsi's office released a statement late on Sunday vowing to secure the release of the soldiers swiftly and safely and in a manner that would maintain the state's prestige.
The statement was released after President Morsi met with the Minister of Defense, Minister of Interior, Head of the General Intelligence, Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces, Chief of Operations of the Armed Forces and other army officials.
A security source said the kidnappers have demanded the release of Islamist militants detained for almost two years.
The militants, who allegedly belong to Tawhid wal-Jihad, were convicted of killing five security officers and one civilian during attacks in June/July 2011 on an Al-Arish city police station and a North Sinai branch of the Bank of Alexandria.
Early on Monday, unidentified gunmen stormed an Egyptian security base in the Sinai Peninsula and exchanged gunfire with forces inside the base. The attack did not result in any casualties.
President Morsi said that "all options" remained open to secure the release of the kidnapped soldiers, stressing that Egypt would "not be blackmailed" by the captors.
Local News Agency: Middle East Bureau / VCS
Shooting Dateline: May 20, 2013
Shooting Location: Cairo, Egypt
Publishing Time: May 20, 2013
Video Size: 113 MB
- Various shots of Arish's first police station, North Sinai
- Various shots of Central Security Forces conscripts join the strike as a sign of protest against the kidnap
- Various shots of Central Security Forces and police vehicles outside the Arish's first police station
- Various shots of the North Sinai Traffic Department workers who join the strike against the kidnap
- Various shots of President Mohamed Morsi meeting with Minister of Defense, Minister of Interior, Head of the General Intelligence, Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces, Chief of Operations of the Armed Forces and other army officials
- Various shots of North of Sinai
Some family members of the 11 abducted Lebanese protested in Riad al Soloh square in Beirut, Lebanon on 9 August 2012.
The large Lebanese Maqdad family then kidnapped 26 Syrians, demanding the return of Hassan Al Maqdad.
CitiActivist, Abed Kanj, pulling out a victory sign during the protest
CitiAct president, Rana Bechara, shares her thoughts during the coverage of the protest
Wife of abducted husband by free syrian army demands his release
Protesters hold signs and banners criticizing the Lebanese government and Arab countries
Protesters hold signs and banners demanding the return of the abducted and criticizing the government's role
Protesters hold banners and signs demanding the return of the abducted Lebanese in Syria by the Free Syrian Army
A motorcyclist passing by was intrigued by the protest happening in front of the governmental Saray by CitiAct and the families of the abducted Lebanese
Security officer maintaining the smooth flow of happenings during the protest
Protester holding a sign in front of security force officers and mourning the national conscience
Protester threatening Qatar under security surveillance to return the abducted Lebanese in Syria
Kid pleading: "Have your consciences died as your Arab nationalism?" in front of security forces and the governmental Saray
Families of the 11 abducted Lebanese blamed the Arab nations and mourned their consciences
CitiActivists hold banners that criticize the government's role in the abducted Lebanese's issue
Protesters and CitiAct members demand the return of the abducted Lebanese in front of the governmental Saray in Beirut
Security presence was high during the protest that CitiAct implemented for the abducted Lebanese
Protesters left banners and signs in front of governmental Saray security forces and internal security forces